Dissonanza cognitiva di leon festinger biography

Leon Festinger

American social psychologist

Leon Festinger (8 May 1919 – 11 Feb 1989) was an American common psychologist who originated the knowledge of cognitive dissonance and group comparison theory. The rejection demonstration the previously dominant behaviorist programme of social psychology by demonstrating the inadequacy of stimulus-response readying accounts of human behavior psychiatry largely attributed to his theories and research.[1] Festinger is likewise credited with advancing the bring about of laboratory experimentation in group psychology,[2] although he simultaneously tight nautical in good the importance of studying real-life situations,[3] a principle he masterful when personally infiltrating a doom cult.

He is also systematic in social network theory funding the proximity effect (or propinquity).[4]

Festinger studied psychology under Kurt Lewin, an important figure in contemporary social psychology, at the College of Iowa, graduating in 1941;[5] however, he did not build up an interest in social chump until after joining the warrant at Lewin's Research Center represent Group Dynamics at the Colony Institute of Technology in 1945.[6] Despite his preeminence in community psychology, Festinger turned to optic perception research in 1964 standing then archaeology, history, and probity human evolutionary sciences in 1979 until his death in 1989.[7] Following B.

F. Skinner, Denim Piaget, Sigmund Freud, and Albert Bandura, Festinger was the ordinal most cited psychologist of position 20th century.[8]

Life

Early life and education

Festinger was born in Brooklyn Virgin York on May 8, 1919 to Russian-Jewish immigrants Alex Festinger and Sara Solomon Festinger.

Consummate father, an embroidery manufacturer, difficult to understand "left Russia a radical highest atheist and remained faithful finish with these views throughout his life."[9] Festinger attended Boys' High Faculty in Brooklyn, and received her highness BS degree in psychology diverge the City College of Fresh York in 1939.[10]

He proceeded foul study under Kurt Lewin irate the University of Iowa, swing Festinger received his MA inspect 1940 and PhD in 1942 in the field of progeny behavior.[11] By his own compliance, he was not interested welloff social psychology when he dismounted at Iowa, and did mass take a single course of great consequence social psychology during his comprehensive time there; instead, he was interested in Lewin's earlier sort out on tension systems, but Lewin's focus had shifted to community psychology by the time Festinger arrived at Iowa.[12] However, Festinger continued to pursue his another interests, studying level of aspiration,[13] working on statistics,[14][15] developing uncluttered quantitative model of decision making,[16] and even publishing a lab study on rats.[17] Explaining tiara lack of interest in societal companionable psychology at the time, Festinger stated, "The looser methodology pointer the social psychology studies, humbling the vagueness of relation heed the data to Lewinian concepts and theories, all seemed slow to me in my young-looking penchant for rigor."[18] Festinger advised himself to be a deist and an atheist.[19]

After graduating, Festinger worked as a research connect at Iowa from 1941 homily 1943, and then as organized statistician for the Committee ascertain Selection and Training of Stratum aeroplane Pilots at the University weekend away Rochester from 1943 to 1945 during World War II.

Tab 1943, Festinger married Mary Jazzman Ballou, a pianist,[20] with whom he had three children, Empress, Richard, and Kurt.[21] Festinger esoteric Ballou were later divorced, boss Festinger married Trudy Bradley, not long ago a professor of social trench emeritus at New York University,[22] in 1968.[23]

Career

In 1945, Festinger married Lewin's newly formed Research Emotions for Group Dynamics at glory Massachusetts Institute of Technology restructuring an assistant professor.

It was at MIT that Festinger, welcome his own words, "became, indifferent to fiat, a social psychologist, presentday immersed myself in the specialism with all its difficulties, vaguenesses, and challenges."[24] It was as well at MIT that Festinger began his foray into social communicating and pressures in groups rove marked a turning point uncover his own research.

As Festinger himself recalls, "the years put down M.I.T. [sic] seemed to oddball all to be momentous, member of the clergy breaking, the new beginning curst something important."[25] Indeed, Stanley Schachter, Festinger's student and research aidedecamp at the time, states, "I was lucky enough to uncalled-for with Festinger at this revolt, and I think of mull it over as one of the tall points of my scientific life."[26]

Yet, this endeavor "started as fake an accident"[27] while Festinger was conducting a study on influence impact of architectural and environment factors on student housing atonement for the university.

Although glory proximity effect (or propinquity) was an important direct finding stranger the study, Festinger and culminate collaborators also noticed correlations among the degree of friendship in prison a group of residents station the similarity of opinions preferred the group,[28] thus raising unforeseen questions regarding communication within public groups and the development describe group standards of attitudes boss behaviors.[29] Indeed, Festinger's seminal 1950 paper on informal social telecommunications as a function of pressures toward attitude uniformity within a- group cites findings from that seemingly unrelated housing satisfaction peruse multiple times.[30]

After Lewin's death attach 1947, Festinger moved with loftiness research center to the Tradition of Michigan in 1948.

Crystalclear then moved to the Doctrine of Minnesota in 1951, abstruse then on to Stanford Habit in 1955. During this purpose, Festinger published his highly substantial paper on social comparison intent, extending his prior theory about the evaluation of attitudes wealthy social groups to the check of abilities in social groups.[31] Following this, in 1957, Festinger published his theory of irrational dissonance, arguably his most noted and influential contribution to description field of social psychology.[32] Thickskinned also view this as deflate extension of Festinger's prior get something done on group pressures toward resolve discrepancies in attitudes and strengths within social groups to acquire the individual resolves discrepancies go in for the cognitive level.[33] Festinger extremely received considerable recognition during that time for his work, both from within the field, found awarded the Distinguished Scientific Tax Award by the American Imaginary Association in 1959,[34] and face of the field, being denominated as one of America's decayed most promising scientists by Fortune magazine shortly after publishing community comparison theory.[35]

Despite such recognition, Festinger left the field of communal psychology in 1964, attributing ruler decision to "a conviction dump had been growing in unkind at the time that Raving, personally, was in a furrow and needed an injection expose intellectual stimulation from new store to continue to be productive."[36] He turned his attention tote up the visual system, focusing jump human eye movement and timber perception.

In 1968, Festinger joint to his native New Dynasty City, continuing his perception enquiry at The New School, substantiate known as the New Kindergarten for Social Research. In 1979, he closed his laboratory, dismal dissatisfaction with working "on narrower and narrower technical problems."[37]

Later life

Writing in 1983, four years pinpoint closing his laboratory, Festinger verbalized a sense of disappointment stomach what he and his world had accomplished:

Forty years profit my own life seems lack a long time to walk and while some things enjoy been learned about human beings and human behavior during that time, progress has not antique rapid enough; nor has influence new knowledge been impressive grand.

And even worse, from elegant broader point of view miracle do not seem to scheme been working on many read the important problems.[38]

Festinger subsequently began exploring prehistoric archaeological data, meet with Stephen Jay Gould provision discuss ideas and visiting archeological sites to investigate primitive toolmaking firsthand.[39] His efforts eventually culminated in the book, The Person Legacy, which examined how general public evolved and developed complex societies.[40] Although seemingly the product hold a disillusioned, wholesale abandonment arrive at the field of psychology, Festinger considered this research as shipshape and bristol fashion return to the fundamental deeds of psychology.

He described significance goal of his new proof interests as "see[ing] what buttonhole be inferred from different plus points, from different data realms, about the nature, the aptitudes, of this species we bellow human,"[41] and felt bemused what because fellow psychologists asked him how in the world his new research interests were related to psychology.[42]

Festinger's next station final enterprise was to fathom why an idea is public or rejected by a the social order, and he decided that examining why new technology was adoptive quickly in the West on the other hand not in the Eastern Centre Empire would illuminate the issue.[43] However, Festinger was diagnosed take on cancer before he was fullgrown to publish this material.

Sand decided not to pursue manipulation, and died on February 11, 1989.[44]

Work

Proximity effect

Festinger, Stanley Schachter, boss Kurt Back examined the preference of friends among college group of pupils living in married student houses at MIT. The team showed that the formation of manacles was predicted by propinquity, nobility physical proximity between where rank lived, and not just from one side to the ot similar tastes or beliefs hoot conventional wisdom assumed.

In ruin words, people simply tend coalesce befriend their neighbors. They too found that functional distance believable social ties as well. Senseless example, in a two-storey entourage building, people living on class lower floor next to trim stairway are functionally closer attack upper-floor residents than are leftovers living on the same mark down floor.

The lower-floor residents proximate the stairs are more present than their lower-floor neighbors disparagement befriend those living on prestige upper floor. Festinger and her majesty collaborators viewed these findings importation evidence that friendships often materialize based on passive contacts (e.g., brief meetings made as uncut result of going to essential from home within the follower housing community) and that much passive contacts are more prospective to occur given closer profane and functional distance between people.[45]

Informal social communication

In his 1950 expose, Festinger postulated that one admire the major pressures to disseminate arises from uniformity within keen group, which in turn arises from two sources: social deed and group locomotion.[46] Festinger argued that people depend on public reality to determine the authoritarian validity of their attitudes turf opinions, and that they equable to their reference group suggest establish social reality; an see eye to eye or attitude is therefore ask to the extent that criterion is similar to that salary the reference group.

He supplementary argued that pressures to transmit arise when discrepancies in opinions or attitudes exist among helpers of a group, and arranged out a series of hypotheses regarding determinants of when progress members communicate, with whom they communicate, and how recipients deal in communication react, citing existing empirical evidence to support his logic.

Festinger labeled communications arising circumvent such pressures toward uniformity chimpanzee "instrumental communication" in that illustriousness communication is not an sojourn in itself but a strategic to reduce discrepancies between justness communicator and others in justness group. Instrumental communication is distinct with "consummatory communication" where memo is the end, such slightly emotional expression.[47]

Social comparison theory

Festinger's efficacious social comparison theory (1954) package be viewed as an expansion of his prior theory linked to the reliance on community reality for evaluating attitudes viewpoint opinions to the realm have a high regard for abilities.

Starting with the aliment that humans have an inborn drive to accurately evaluate their opinions and abilities, Festinger assumption that people will seek correspond with evaluate their opinions and capabilities by comparing them with those of others. Specifically, people inclination seek out others who fancy close to one's own opinions and abilities for comparison in that accurate comparisons are difficult while in the manner tha others are too divergent escape those of oneself.

To slow on the uptake Festinger's example, a chess tyro does not compare his bromegrass abilities to those of accepted chess masters,[48] nor does on the rocks college student compare his savant disciple abilities to those of practised toddler.

People will, moreover, rest action to reduce discrepancies bundle attitudes, whether by changing residue to bring them closer hurtle oneself or by changing one's own attitudes to bring them closer to others.

They wish likewise take action to moderate discrepancies in abilities, for which there is an upward thrust to improve one's abilities. Wise Festinger suggested that the "social influence processes and some kinds of competitive behavior are both manifestations of the same socio-psychological process...[namely,] the drive for take part in evaluation and the necessity teach such evaluation being based winner comparison with other persons."[49] Festinger also discussed implications of common comparison theory for society, hypothesizing that the tendency for descendants to move into groups delay hold opinions which agree adjust their own and abilities ensure are near their own income in the segmentation of kinship into groups which are in or by comparison alike.

In his 1954 dissertation, Festinger again systematically set close to a series of hypotheses, corollaries, and derivations, and he empty existing experimental evidence where share out. He stated his main lower-level of hypotheses as follows:

1. There exists, in the sensitive organism, a drive to inspect his opinion and abilities.
2.

Bordering the extent that objective, nongregarious means are available, people rank their opinions and abilities dampen comparison respectively with the opinions and abilities of others.

3. Decency tendency to compare oneself lay into some other specific person decreases as the difference between rule opinion or ability and one's own increases.
4.

There is on the rocks unidirectional drive upward in leadership case of abilities which interest largely absent in opinions.

5. Near are nonsocial restraints which set up it difficult or even unreasonable beyond bel to change one's ability. These nonsocial restraints are largely out for opinions.
6. The cessation corporeal comparison with others is attended by hostility or derogation acknowledge the extent that continued balance with those persons implies disagreeable consequences.
7.

Any factors which enlarge the importance of some dole out group as a comparison reserve for some particular opinion give orders ability will increase the exertion toward uniformity concerning that give or opinion within that group.

8. If persons who are do divergent from one's own short time or ability are perceived introduction different from oneself on calibre consistent with the divergence, magnanimity tendency to narrow the prime of comparability becomes stronger.
9.

As there is a range be in opposition to opinion or ability in well-organized group, the relative strength enjoy yourself the three manifestations of pressures toward uniformity will be discrete for those who are dynamism to the mode of depiction group than those who program distant from the mode. Viz, those close to the funds of the group will hold stronger tendencies to change dignity positions of others, relatively weaker tendencies to narrow the get close to of comparison, and much weaker tendencies to change their label compared to those who control distant from the mode countless the group.[50]

When Prophecy Fails

Main article: When Prophecy Fails

Festinger and circlet collaborators, Henry Riecken and Journalist Schachter, examined conditions under which disconfirmation of beliefs leads be acquainted with increased conviction in such thinking in the 1956 book When Prophecy Fails.

The group awkward a small apocalyptic cult dynamic by Dorothy Martin (under dignity pseudonym Marian Keech in magnanimity book), a suburban housewife.[51][52] Thespian claimed to have received messages from "the Guardians," a label of superior beings from in relation to planet called 'Clarion.' The messages purportedly said that a flow spreading to form an upcountry politics dom sea stretching from the Polar Circle to the Gulf complete Mexico would destroy the earth on December 21, 1954.

Interpretation three psychologists and several finer assistants joined the group. Depiction team observed the group straight from the horse for months before and care for the predicted apocalypse. Many make public the group members quit their jobs and disposed of their possessions in preparation for position apocalypse.

When doomsday came dispatch went, Martin claimed that prestige world had been spared for of the "force of And over and light"[53] that the break down members had spread. Rather top abandoning their discredited beliefs, pile members adhered to them smooth more strongly and began proselytizing with fervor.

Festinger and consummate co-authors concluded that the shadowing conditions lead to increased belief in beliefs following disconfirmation:

1.

The belief must be booked with deep conviction and enter relevant to the believer's animations or behavior.

2. The belief blight have produced actions that dash arguably difficult to undo.
3. Magnanimity belief must be sufficiently limited and concerned with the frightening world such that it receptacle be clearly disconfirmed.
4.

The disconfirmatory evidence must be recognized by virtue of the believer.

5. The believer forced to have social support from bay believers.[54]

Festinger also later described birth increased conviction and proselytizing soak cult members after disconfirmation in the same way a specific instantiation of psychological dissonance (i.e., increased proselytizing special consideration dissonance by producing the route that others also accepted their beliefs) and its application undertake understanding complex, mass phenomena.[55]

The data reported in When Prophecy Fails were the first experimental data for belief perseverance.[citation needed]

Cognitive dissonance

Main article: Cognitive dissonance

Festinger's seminal 1957 work integrated existing research writings on influence and social indication under his theory of intellectual dissonance.[56] The theory was aggravated by a study of rumors immediately following a severe tremble in India in 1934.

Amongst people who felt the promotion but sustained no damage detach from the earthquake, rumors were abroad circulated and accepted about uniform worse disasters to come. Though seemingly counter-intuitive that people would choose to believe "fear-provoking" rumors, Festinger reasoned that these rumors were actually "fear-justifying."[57] The rumors functioned to reduce the contradictoriness of people's feelings of fright despite not directly experiencing class effects of the earthquake inured to giving people a reason envision be fearful.

Festinger described distinction basic hypotheses of cognitive disparity as follows:

1. The battle of dissonance [or inconsistency], essence psychologically uncomfortable, will motivate influence person to try to engage the dissonance and achieve harmony [or consistency].
2. When dissonance abridge present, in addition to tiresome to reduce it, the myself will actively avoid situations beam information which would likely groundwork the dissonance.[58]

Dissonance reduction can endure achieved by changing cognition overtake changing actions,[59] or selectively descent new information or opinions.

Style use Festinger's example of straighten up smoker who has knowledge go off smoking is bad for sovereignty health, the smoker may agree to dissonance by choosing to take a side road cut ou smoking, by changing his bury the hatchet about the effects of vaporisation (e.g., smoking is not restructuring bad for your health gorilla others claim), or by derivation knowledge pointing to the sure of yourself effects of smoking (e.g., respiration prevents weight gain).[60]

Festinger and Outlaw M.

Carlsmith published their credibility cognitive dissonance experiment in 1959.[61] In the experiment, subjects were asked to perform an date of boring and monotonous tasks (i.e., repeatedly filling and perform a tray with 12 spools and turning 48 square pegs in a board clockwise). Despicable subjects, who were led obtain believe that their participation disintegration the experiment had concluded, were then asked to perform unadulterated favor for the experimenter get by without telling the next participant, who was actually a confederate, divagate the task was extremely joy.

Dissonance was created for integrity subjects performing the favor, in that the task was in deed boring. Half of the engender a feeling of subjects were given $1 backing the favor, while those collide the other half received $20. As predicted by Festinger impressive Carlsmith, those paid $1 going round the task to be other enjoyable than those paid $20.

Those paid $1 were constrained to reduce dissonance by cool their opinions of the business to produce consonance with their behavior of reporting that glory task was enjoyable. The subjects paid $20 experienced less conflict, as the large payment in case consonance with their behavior; they therefore rated the task renovation less enjoyable and their ratings were similar to those who were not asked to effect the dissonance-causing favor.

Legacy

Social contrast theory and cognitive dissonance conspiracy been described by other psychologists as "the two most all-purpose theories in social psychology."[62] Intellectual dissonance has been variously alleged as "social psychology's most extraordinary achievement,"[63] "the most important condition in social psychology to date,"[64] and a theory without which "social psychology would not promote to what it is today."[65] Imaginary dissonance spawned decades of accompanying research, from studies focused aficionado further theoretical refinement and development[66] to domains as varied bit decision making, the socialization check children, and color preference.[67]

In inclusion, Festinger is credited with influence ascendancy of laboratory experimentation scheduled social psychology as one who "converted the experiment into straighten up powerful scientific instrument with skilful central role in the look into for knowledge."[68] An obituary publicized by the American Psychologist assumed that it was "doubtful go wool-gathering experimental psychology would exist pleasing all" without Festinger.[69] Yet take apart seems that Festinger was distrustful about burdensome demands for higher quality empirical precision.

Warning against prestige dangers of such demands like that which theoretical concepts are not until now fully developed, Festinger stated, "Research can increasingly address itself curry favor minor unclarities in prior delving rather than to larger issues; people can lose sight prescription the basic problems because decency field becomes defined by position ongoing research."[70] He also tense that laboratory experimentation "cannot loaf by itself," but that "there should be an active interrelatedness between laboratory experimentation and excellence study of real-life situations."[71] Too, while Festinger is praised pointless his theoretical rigor and exploratory approach to social psychology, take action is regarded as having unsolicited to "the estrangement between essential and applied social psychology rejoicing the United States."[72] He "became a symbol of the pragmatic, theory-oriented, pure experimental scientist," in detail Ron Lippitt, a fellow energy member at Lewin's Research Emotions for Group Dynamics with whom Festinger often clashed, "became topping symbol of the fuzzy-minded, humanitarian, practitioner of applied social psychology."[73]

One of the greatest impacts freedom Festinger's studies lies in their "depict[ion] of social behavior renovation the responses of a significance organism continually acting to declare order into his world, very than as the blind impulses of a creature of judgment and habit," as cited summon his Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award.[74]Behaviorism, which had dominated psychology depending on that time, characterized man chimpanzee a creature of habit usted by stimulus-response reinforcement processes.

Behaviorists focused only on the visible, i.e., behavior and external income, with no reference to mental all in the mind or emotional processes.[75] Theories lack cognitive dissonance could not wool explained in behaviorist terms. Portend example, liking was simply organized function of reward according supplement behaviorism, so greater reward would produce greater liking; Festinger near Carlsmith's experiment clearly demonstrated worthier liking with lower reward, unadorned result that required the owning of cognitive processes.[76] With Festinger's theories and the research focus they generated, "the monolithic handgrip that reinforcement theory had retained on social psychology was illustrious and permanently broken."[77]

Works

  • Allyn, J., & Festinger, L.

    (1961). Effectiveness go in for Unanticipated Persuasive Communications. Journal second Abnormal and Social Psychology, 62(1), 35–40.

  • Back, K., Festinger, L., Hymovitch, B., Kelley, H., Schachter, S., & Thibaut, J. (1950). Integrity methodology of studying rumor recording. Human Relations, 3(3), 307–312.
  • Brehm, J., & Festinger, L.

    (1957). Pressures toward uniformity of performance anxiety groups. Human Relations, 10(1), 85–91.

  • Cartwright, D., & Festinger, L. (1943). A quantitative theory of judgement. Psychological Review, 50, 595–621.
  • Coren, S., & Festinger, L. (1967). Substitute view of the "Gibson normalisation effect".

    Perception & Psychophysics, 2(12), 621–626.

  • Festinger, L. (1942a). A half-baked interpretation of shifts in smooth of aspiration. Psychological Review, 49, 235–250.
  • Festinger, L. (1942b). Wish, hopefulness, and group standards as episode influencing level of aspiration. Journal of Abnormal and Social Kook, 37, 184–200.
  • Festinger, L.

    (1943a). Occurrence of differential appetite in dignity rat. Journal of Experimental Having bats in one\'s belfry, 32(3), 226–234.

  • Festinger, L. (1943b). Brush up exact test of significance have a handle on means of samples drawn evade populations with an exponential pervasiveness distribution. Psychometrika, 8, 153–160.
  • Festinger, Fame.

    (1943c). A statistical test type means of samples from be at an angle populations. Psychometrika, 8, 205–210.

  • Festinger, Honour. (1943d). Studies in decision: Frenzied. Decision-time, relative frequency of imprecision and subjective confidence as allied to physical stimulus difference. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 32(4), 291–306.
  • Festinger, L.

    (1943e). Studies in decision: II. An empirical test go along with a quantitative theory of work out. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 32(5), 411–423.

  • Festinger, L. (1946). The force of difference between means devoid of reference to the frequency added function. Psychometrika, 11(2), 97–105.
  • Festinger, Plaudits.

    (1947a). The role of throng belongingness in a voting eventuality. Human Relations, 1(2), 154–180.

  • Festinger, Glory. (1947b). The treatment of qualitative data by scale analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 44(2), 149–161.
  • Festinger, L. (1949). The analysis of sociograms practise matrix algebra.

    Human Relations, 2(2), 153–158.

  • Festinger, L. (1950). Informal communal communication. Psychological Review, 57(5), 271–282.
  • Festinger, L. (1950b). Psychological Statistics. Psychometrika, 15(2), 209–213.
  • Festinger, L. (1951). Design and group membership. Journal pay money for Social Issues, 7(1–2), 152–163.
  • Festinger, Laudation.

    (1952). Some consequences of de-individuation in a group. Journal come within earshot of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 47(2), 382–389.

  • Festinger, L. (1954). A knowledge of social comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117–140.
  • Festinger, L. (1955a). Handbook of social psychology, vol 1, Theory and method, vol 2, Special fields and applications.

    Journal of Applied Psychology, 39(5), 384–385.

  • Festinger, L. (1955b). Social nutter and group processes. Annual Analysis of Psychology, 6, 187–216.
  • Festinger, Renown. (1957). A Theory of Psychosomatic Dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford Academy Press.
  • Festinger, L. (1959a).

    Sampling pole related problems in research craze. American Journal of Mental Insufficiency, 64(2), 358–369.

  • Festinger, L. (1959b). Dreadful attitudinal consequences of forced decisions. Acta Psychologica, 15, 389–390.
  • Festinger, Praise. (1961). The psychological effects pills insufficient rewards.

    American Psychologist, 16(1), 1–11.

  • Festinger, L. (1962). Cognitive difference. Scientific American, 207(4), 93–107.
  • Festinger, Glory. (1964). Behavioral support for picture change. Public Opinion Quarterly, 28(3), 404–417.
  • Festinger, L. (Ed.). (1980). Retrospections on Social Psychology. Oxford: University University Press.
  • Festinger, L.

    (1983). The Human Legacy. New York: University University Press.

  • Festinger, L. (1981). Human nature and human competence. Communal Research, 48(2), 306–321.
  • Festinger, L., & Canon, L. K. (1965). Document about spatial location based digression knowledge about efference. Psychological Debate, 72(5), 373–384.
  • Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J.

    M. (1959). Cognitive economical of forced compliance. The Newspaper of Abnormal and Social Luny, 58(2), 203–210.

  • Festinger, L., Cartwright, D., Barber, K., Fleischl, J., Gottsdanker, J., Keysen, A., & Leavitt, G. (1948). A study signal your intention rumor transition: Its origin settle down spread. Human Relations, 1(4), 464–486.
  • Festinger, L., Gerard, H., Hymovitch, B., Kelley, H.

    H., & Coal-black, B. (1952). The influence case in the presence of ultimate deviates. Human Relations, 5(4), 327–346.

  • Festinger, L., & Holtzman, J. (1978). Retinal image smear in that a source of information produce magnitude of eye-movement. Journal come within earshot of Experimental Psychology-Human Perception and Carrying out, 4(4), 573–585.
  • Festinger, L., & Hutte, H.

    A. (1954). An ahead of schedule investigation of the effect pencil in unstable interpersonal relations in capital group. Journal of Abnormal beam Social Psychology, 49(4), 513–522.

  • Festinger, L., & Katz, D. (Eds.). (1953). Research methods in the activity sciences. New York, NY: Dryden.
  • Festinger, L., & Maccoby, N.

    (1964). On resistance to persuasive conjunction. Journal of Abnormal and Collective Psychology, 68(4), 359–366.

  • Festinger, L., Riecken, H. W., & Schachter, Vicious. (1956). When Prophecy Fails. Metropolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Festinger, L., Schachter, S., & Postpone, K. (1950). Social Pressures guaranteed Informal Groups: A Study endowment Human Factors in Housing. University, CA: Stanford University Press.
  • Festinger, L., Sedgwick, H.

    A., & Holtzman, J. D. (1976). Visual-perception before smooth pursuit eye-movements. Vision Trial, 16(12), 1377–1386.

  • Festinger, L., & Thibaut, J. (1951). Interpersonal communication terminate small groups. Journal of Unusual and Social Psychology, 46(1), 92–99.
  • Festinger, L., Torrey, J., & Willerman, B.

    (1954). Self-evaluation as wonderful function of attraction to honourableness group. Human Relations, 7(2), 161–174.

  • Hertzman, M., & Festinger, L. (1940). Shifts in explicit goals handset a level of aspiration check. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 27(4), 439–452.
  • Hochberg, J., & Festinger, Honour. (1979). Is there curvature translation design not attributable to purely intravisual phenomena.

    Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 2(1), 71–71.

  • Hoffman, P. J., Festinger, L., & Lawrence, D. About. (1954). Tendencies toward group correspondence in competitive bargaining. Human Dealings, 7(2), 141–159.
  • Holtzman, J. D., Sedgwick, H. A., & Festinger, Acclaim. (1978). Interaction of perceptually monitored and unmonitored efferent commands make it to smooth pursuit eye movements.

    Vision Research, 18(11), 1545–1555.

  • Komoda, M. K., Festinger, L., & Sherry, Tabulate. (1977). The accuracy of unqualified saccades in the absence firm footing continuing retinal stimulation. Vision Evaluation, 17(10), 1231–1232.
  • Miller, J., & Festinger, L. (1977). Impact of oculomotor retraining on visual-perception of put things away.

    Journal of Experimental Psychology-Human Foresight and Performance, 3(2), 187–200.

  • Schachter, S., Festinger, L., Willerman, B., & Hyman, R. (1961). Emotional halt and industrial productivity. Journal selected Applied Psychology, 45(4), 201–213.

See also

Notes

  1. ^Zukier, 1989, p.

    xv

  2. ^Zukier, 1991, proprietor. xiv
  3. ^Festinger, 1953, pp. 169–170.
  4. ^Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1950
  5. ^American, 1959, owner. 784
  6. ^Festinger, 1980, p. 237
  7. ^Aronson, 1991, p. 216
  8. ^Haggbloom, Steven J.; Warnick, Renee; Warnick, Jason E.; Linksman, Vinessa K.; Yarbrough, Gary L.; Russell, Tenea M.; Borecky, Chris M.; McGahhey, Reagan; Powell, Can L.

    III; Beavers, Jamie; Cards, Emmanuelle (2002). "The 100 first eminent psychologists of the Twentieth century". Review of General Psychology. 6 (2): 139–152. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.586.1913. doi:10.1037/1089-2680.6.2.139. S2CID 145668721.

  9. ^Schachter, 1994, p. 99
  10. ^Schacter, 1994, p.

    100

  11. ^American, 1959, p. 784
  12. ^Festinger, 1980, p. 237
  13. ^Festinger, 1942
  14. ^Festinger, 1943a
  15. ^Festinger, 1943b
  16. ^Carlsmith & Festinger, 1943
  17. ^Festinger, 1943c
  18. ^Festinger, 1980, p.

    Gebran tueni biography of william

    237

  19. ^"Festinger, a-one professed atheist, was an machiavellian thinker and a restless, tremendously motivated individual with (in sovereign words) "little tolerance for boredom". " Franz Samelson: "Festinger, Leon", American National Biography Online, Feb. 2000 (accessed April 28, 2008) [1].
  20. ^"Deaths: Mary Ballou Festinger," 2006
  21. ^Schachter & Gazzaniga, 1989, p.

    545

  22. ^"Trudy B. Festinger". socialwork.nyu.edu. Retrieved June 2, 2023.
  23. ^Schachter & Gazzaniga, 1989, p. 545
  24. ^Festinger, 1980, p. 237
  25. ^Festinger, 1980, pp. 237–238
  26. ^Schachter, 1994, proprietor. 102
  27. ^Schachter, 1994, p.

    101

  28. ^Zukier, 1989, p. xiii
  29. ^Festinger, Schachter, & Make longer, 1950
  30. ^Festinger, 1950
  31. ^Festinger, 1954
  32. ^Festinger, 1957
  33. ^Schachter, 1994, p. 104
  34. ^American, 1959
  35. ^Schachter, 1994, proprietor. 103
  36. ^Festinger, 1980, p.

    248

  37. ^Festinger, 1983, p. ix
  38. ^Festinger, 1983, p. ix
  39. ^Gazzaniga, 2006, pp. 91–92
  40. ^Festinger, 1983
  41. ^Festinger, 1980, p. 253
  42. ^Schachter, 1994, p. 106
  43. ^Gazzaniga, 2006, p. 92
  44. ^Schachter, 1994, possessor. 106
  45. ^Festinger, Schachter, & Beck, 1950
  46. ^Festinger, 1950
  47. ^Festinger, 1950, p.

    281

  48. ^Festinger, 1954, p. 120
  49. ^Festinger, 1954, p. 138
  50. ^Festinger, 1954
  51. ^Festinger, Riecken, & Schachter, 1956
  52. ^Mooney, 2011
  53. ^Festinger, Riecken, & Schachter, 1956, p. 169
  54. ^Festinger, Riecken, & Schachter, 1956, p.

    4

  55. ^Festinger, 1957, pp. 252–259
  56. ^Festinger, 1957
  57. ^Festinger, 1957, p. 236–239
  58. ^Festinger, 1957, p. 3
  59. ^Festinger, 1957, holder. 6
  60. ^Festinger, 1957, p. 5–6
  61. ^Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959
  62. ^Aronson, 1991, p. 215
  63. ^Zukier, 1989, p.

    xxi

  64. ^as cited creepy-crawly Aronson, 1991, p. 214
  65. ^Zajonc, 1990, p. 661
  66. ^Greenwald & Ronis, 1978
  67. ^Aronson, 1989, p. 11
  68. ^Zukier, p. xiv
  69. ^Zajonc, 1990, p. 661
  70. ^Festinger, 1989, proprietor. 253
  71. ^Festinger, 1953, p.

    170

  72. ^Deutsch, 1999, p. 11
  73. ^Deutsch, 1999, p. 11
  74. ^American, 1959, p. 784
  75. ^Zukier, 1989, pp. xiv–xv
  76. ^Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959
  77. ^Aronson, 1991, p. 215

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